ISIS destroyed the harmony of the society in Nineveh

This is a full transcript, in the original English, of my conversation with Yezidi activist Mirza Dinnayi. It was recorded on the 14^th of March and used for a series of articles published a few days before the liberation of Mosul.

Esta é uma transcrição completa, no inglês original, da minha conversa com o activista yazidi Mirza Dinnayi. Foi gravada no dia 14 de Março e usada para uma série de artigos publicados dias antes da libertação de Mossul.

When Mosul is liberated, we can expect the situation between Kurdistan and Baghdad to come to the surface. Do you believe that it could turn into an armed conflict?

There are many conflicts that can happen after the liberation of Mosul. One of them that you mentioned is the conflict between the KRG and the central government about the future of the disputed area.

But what we saw in the last weeks also, because of the Turkish factor and pressure from Turkey, was a conflict between PKK and KDP which is also a very dangerous conflict which is taking place in Sinjar area. Just today some PKK civilian sympathizers, Yezidi people, were demonstrating in Sinjar and a 16 year old was killed by Peshmerga forces from KDP and about 20 people were injured. Two weeks ago, or one week ago, there was also a conflict between Rojava militia, which is supported by Turkey and KDP and PKK forces, and there were also more than 20 injured and at least four people were killed.

So the problem is that we have, in these disputed areas, two types of conflict. One is between KRG and the central government, about the future administration of this region, and the second is an inter-Kurdish conflict, with influence of Turkey and Iran. Some Kurdish forces are supported by Turkey and others are supported by Iran and they are fighting each other. This is more dangerous than the conflict between Iraq and Kurdistan.

I have read reports on heavy presence of PKK militants in and around Sinjar, and that many of these are actually Yezidi members of PKK. Is it true that there is a big presence of Yezidis in PKK?

The sympathy is more directly to the YBS [Sinjar Protection Units] and YPG, more than being members, there are actually very few members, among Iraqi Yezidis there are no members of the PKK, but we have members of these YPG or YBS militias, which are also armed forces, but supported by the Iraqi Government, and they have some relations with the PKK, but they are not direct members of the PKK because PKK is a forbidden organization in Iraq and Turkey, but also in Europe.

So these are people who have some sympathy for PKK, and one of the reasons why they joined YPG or YBS is because they were the ones who, in 2014, liberated more than 150 thousand Yezidis from the Mountain when ISIS attacked the Yezidis. At that time the Peshmerga forces collapsed, the Iraqi forces collapsed, and these people came and saved the lives of tens of thousands of Yezidis who were surrounded in the mountain, without food or water. So this is one of the reasons some of the people in the area have some sympathies for these forces and joined them.

We also have armed force which belongs to the Iraqi Hash al-Shabi Forces [Popular Mobilization Forces] who are Yezidis from one side, and which also have some relations with YPG or YBS. The problem is that KDP said that Sinjar should belong to them, and the Peshmerga say that these groups do not belong to the Peshmerga and they are not legal groups, so they should leave. But the problem is that these people are from Sinjar, not from outside. This is a problem that we have and we have tried to solve this conflict in a peaceful way, but unfortunately it has not been possible.

The Kurds seem set on independence. What is your position on this?

There is a wish for independence among the Kurdish people, we support this wish, but we think that these problems, especially in the disputed areas, because most of the Yezidi people and the minorities, Yezidi and Christian, in Iraq, are living in these disputed areas and we think the only way to declare independence is if it is peaceful, because a war will damage our community.

The Yezidis have some demands from Iraq and from Kurdistan, and our demands are to have some special autonomous areas, self-administered autonomous areas, for Yezidis, a province in Sinjar and Nineveh Plain, and these areas should be in cooperation between Bagdad and Kurdistan. This is the wish of the Yezidi people. Because there has been no referendum, we don't know what the people will decide, we think that it is the best way to find what the Yezidi people want. I think the Yezidis will agree, but not without conditions.

If Kurdistan does become independent, and an autonomous region for minorities were to be created, should it be linked to Bagdad or to Erbil?

After all the problems that we had, after the genocide, I think it is the full right of the Yezidis and the Christians to have some demands in order to be part of Kurdistan or not. This is the position of the Yezidis at the moment. Most of the Yezidis would like to be in Kurdistan, because we don't think that we have a future with Mosul, we think there is no future between Yezidis and Mosul, because all the attacks were planned in Mosul, Yezidis were sexually enslaved in Mosul by Sunni Arabs, so there is no way in the next generation to be integrated so smoothly with Mosul, but with the Kurds we have the same roots, we have ethnical roots, so it could be. But we have to have a democratic background and to save the lives and the future of Yezidi existence, their political and social entity, I don't think the Yezidis will agree without conditions.

When you speak of an autonomous region, you would be living side by side with other minorities, such as Christians, Shabaks, Turkmen, etc. Is this what the Yezidis want as well?

Yes, this is the idea, that all the minorities live together in peace.

The Kurds reserve places in their parliament for ethnic minorities, but this does not include Yezidis. They say Yezidis are Kurds with a different religion. What is your opinion on this?

The Yezidis are not united about this issue. Some of them say we are an independent nation, some say we are Kurds, and some say we are an ethno-religious entity and that this ethno-religious entity should be respected. So we have three versions, and my opinion is that the identity of the Yezidis has been established now as an identity after genocide, so the feeling of the Yezidis before and after 2014 is different. The politicians in Iraq and Kurdistan didn't realize this until now, unfortunately, but they should recognize it.

Christians seem very divided in this region, with more than a dozen political parties and at least six militias. The Kurds are also quite divided, although all seem to agree on independence. Does this problem affect the Yezidis as well?

Unfortunately yes.

The community is divided because of the genocide and the massacres, and the genocide has not stopped yet. So my community is also divided in membership among different parties. We have Yezidis who belong to the PKK, Yezidis who belong to the KDP, PUK, independent Yezidis, some small Yezidi parties which were useless in the last two years. Now the elections will come and there will be new political identities of Yezidis, so I think my community is also very divided, maybe not as badly as our Christian brothers, but also divided.

I see you used the term Christian brothers. If there is this autonomous region you would be living as brothers with the Christians, Shabaks, Turkmen... Are relations between Yezidis and Christians and these other minorities brotherly, would it be easy to live in this autonomous region in peace?

I think that between Yezidis and Christians there is no problem. With the Shabak Shias we have no problem. The Shabak Sunnis, unfortunately, joined ISIS. The Shabak themselves are divided. And for Turkmen it is also very difficult because we have Turkmen Shias and Turkmen Sunnis and these aggressively joined ISIS, and they were members and they attacked Yezidis, but we have very good relations with the Turkmen Shia, so you will find that the minorities are even divided among themselves and that ISIS destroyed the harmony of the societies, but in my opinion Yezidi, Christians, Shabak Shias and Turkmen Shia can understand each other. Any relationship with Sunni Muslims, because of ISIS, cannot be included in such projects, in my opinion.

For the creation of an autonomous region you would need support and allies. Bagdad and/or Erbil, but also international allies. Do you have allies for this plan at the moment?

Unfortunately we are trying to lobby at the European Union level and at the American level. Everybody, from the UN or different Western countries, they tell us that we are right, that we need an autonomous area, but everybody is asking us who will pay for it. And this is a problem which we have now. We have some solidarity from the Western countries, but nobody is ready, until now to establish a project... I think the international community as a whole is responsible for this.

"Kurdish independence is necessary to avoid further atrocities"

Mohammedali Taha is a member of parliament in the autonomous region of Iraqi Kurdistan for the Kurdistan Democratic Party, and spokesman for the KDP fraction in parliament. This interview was recorded in January, in Lisbon, and used in a series of articles about the situation in Iraq published at the end of June. This is an edited transcript of the conversation, in the original English.

Mohammedali Taha é deputado do Parlamento da região autónoma do Curdistão Iraquiano pelo Partido Democrático do Curdistão e porta-voz da bancada parlamentar. Esta entrevista foi gravada em Janeiro, em Lisboa, e usada numa série de artigos sobre a situação no Iraque, publicadas no final de Junho. Esta é uma transcrição editada e no inglês original, dessa conversa.

Could you tell us about the history that has led up to this point?

Since 1992 we have been able to run a semi-autonomous region, because before that there was the no-fly zone status which applied to the Kurdistan region, so we started a form of self-government. That continued until 2003 and in 2003 the US led coalition intervened in Iraq, toppled Saddam's Ba’ath regime and after that the Kurds of Iraq decided to be a part of the so-called democratization of Iraq. We took part in drafting the Constitution, which included the status of regional government within the federal Iraq, so we have that, but we were supposed to have our rights according to the constitution that we voted for, more than 90% of the people in the Kurdistan region voted for this constitution, so that means they want to be a part of this so-called democratization.

But unfortunately that never happened and we had problems with the Central Government of Iraq since the beginning. Our budget share was supposed to be 17% of the whole revenue of Iraq, but it never arrived, and since January 2014 they have cut our budget share, our employees’ wages and salaries... So this decision was taken by Iraq and it was also complemented by some threats from the central government. The prime-minister Maliki bluntly uttered, both as PM and as Commander in Chief of the army in Iraq – this is a threat – that they were not sending any budget to the Kurdistan region.

So after that we had no more choice. We are an oil rich region and we were sending all the oil to be sold out through the Iraqi part, but they were not going to give us our budget share. So we took our decision to sell our own oil by ourselves, and we have some constitutional and legal basis to do so and have international oil companies and friends who deal with us in the oil business.

But in 2014 another crisis started in Iraq, the rise of ISIS, which began in 2010, but in 2014, after the fall of Mosul in June it brought with it many other problems, like IDPs, the safest place in all of Iraq is Kurdistan, so all these IDPs from the surrounding region started to head towards the Kurdistan region, besides the fact that the budget is cut from Iraq, we are facing a wave of about two million IDPs and at the same time already had around 300 thousand refugees from the Syrian crisis. All the crises in these areas bring the IDPs and refugees to Kurdistan, because it is the safest place.

And all of a sudden the only income that we have, which is the oil revenues, the oil prices also went down.

Yet it still seems to be one of the only stable zones in the neighbourhood…

Fortunately we managed to keep this stability and this security until now and I hope that we continue. The institutions are working, but the people themselves care, they care about the stability of the place and they cooperate with the security institutions.

Almost 15 years after the fall of Saddam, is there a future for Iraqi Kurdistan within Iraq, or is independence inevitable?

Well, I would say the second. Independence has been the dream of every Kurd and it has been the slogan of the Kurdish movements in all four parts, but the part in Iraq had more advances since the beginning, until now, and more opportunities to reach where we are today.

I always give this example. We have many Kurds in the diaspora, I have cousins in the US. They probably say they are US citizens, but originally Kurdish. And I know people in Europe who say the same. But you will not find a single Kurd, in Turkey, Iran, Iraq or Syria, saying they are proudly Syrian, or Iraqi or Iranian or Turkish. They are not proud to be part of these states simply because they do not have their basic rights.

We, as a party in Iraq, have never been able to have our rights when we were united to Baghdad. Before 2005, you know what happened in this region, all these atrocities, the massacres, the genocides, the mass graves, the chemical weapons... Everything has been tried against the people of Kurdistan by successive governments of Iraq.

From the Monarchy to the Republic, and to Saddam. Even after 2005 we tried our best to tell them that we were ready to cooperate and try our best to be a part of this democratic federation. We entered the federation after 2005, but we never had the opportunity to get our basic rights. So it seems that to avoid any other atrocity, to avoid other mass killings, bloodshed and conflict, another position for Kurds is necessary.

Is this the position of your party, or is it the position of most of the mainstream Iraqi Kurdish parties?

I would say of most of the mainstream. Let’s talk about the election campaign, one of their main programs is to do everything towards an independent Kurdistan. And in the bylaws of the political parties, if you go to them, most of them are nationalist based.

Turkey is often portrayed as being hostile to anything related to Kurdish autonomy, anywhere... Will Ankara put pressure to stop the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan?

The position of Turkey has changed recently. I'd say within the past five years we have been dealing with Turkey... A huge deal in terms of trade, and at the same time Turkey is only dealing with the Kurdistan region when it comes to oil. We are selling our oil using the Turkish harbours, our main route to reach the international oil market.

The position of Turkey regarding the autonomous Kurdish region is totally changed. Once, in Turkey, of course, it was forbidden to say Kurd. They called them the Turks of the mountains. And the Kurdish language was forbidden. Meanwhile they had 20 million Kurds. Of course they are scared of having these 20 million Kurds, and their national movement is a rebellion movement which is going on in Turkey, that is something different, but when it comes to Iraq our leaders are being received in Turkey with the Kurdish flag behind them. For example, our president, when he goes to Turkey, is received as other Heads of State, the same goes for our Prime-minister and our delegations.

Not only that, but Turkey's position nowadays has totally changed and the main factor behind that is the economy. There are a couple of thousand Turkish companies working in the Kurdistan region, and that is not the case in other parts of Iraq.

We often hear about the dream of a United Kurdistan. How does your independence and your drawing closer to Turkey affect this and is it even a dream still?

We have been separated for a century. So we are now four different parts, and we have differences, and those differences are deep. In terms of the states we are divided between and in terms of the opportunities that the people have.

In Iraq we are more advanced towards self-determination. But that is not the case in other parts of Kurdistan. So we are very clear that when we speak of independence it is the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan.

Has that led to conflicts with other Kurdish groups? I know things are difficult between Iraqi Kurdistan and the PKK.

We have different takes... PKK, which is nowadays considered the main political Kurdish party which fights for the Turkish part – although they have fighters from other parts also – but their main goal is not Kurdish independence, and they do not even call for any Kurdish entity.

They have different goals, which are their own, and I don't agree with them, but we have been in conflict with the PKK. The first bullet against the Kurdish Government in 1993 was fired by the PKK. That conflict, whether cold or warm, is ongoing until today. And it is not over our position to declare independence. There are many other differences, many other powers. For example, the PKK, as a political party, is supported by some regional powers to be against certain politics in the region.

What are your relations with Kurds from Syria and Iran?

After the situation in Syria – the Arab Spring and what happened in 2011 – we have a good relation with Syria. Syria borders the Kurdistan region, when the Kurdish administration, in the Kurdish parts of Syria started for the first time we had two parts of Kurdistan that were administered by Kurds, sharing the same border.

But the situation now is different, because the PKK started taking over the situation in Syria, and PKK does not accept any other Kurdish political power in Syria. So as a result all these political powers are nowadays in Erbil because they can't breathe there, they can't be there. That is why the situation nowadays with the administration in Syria, when it comes to politics, is a bit... We have ups and downs.

But in terms of humanitarian aid, our region regularly provides medicine and health facilities. We have always been open to the Syrian Kurds. There are 300 thousand Syrian refugees, most of them are Kurdish, in the Kurdistan region. But when it comes to politics, the methods they are applying in the Syrian part of Kurdistan, we don't really accept, we don't go with it.

And in Iran?

The Kurdish opposition in Iran is also divided. One part goes with the ones that are real opposition and they are in Erbil, of course. Politically they are not accepted in Iran, and so they are in Iraqi Kurdistan. We have very good relations with them. But another part are sister parties with PKK and they do other stuff.

There were a few Kurdish militants who joined ISIS, but mostly the Kurds became famous as the only force which stood up to ISIS on the ground. That generated a lot of sympathy for the Kurds...

When ISIS came in Iraq, in June 9th 2014, the second largest city of Iraq, Mosul was controlled by ISIS in a couple of hours. Of course we were not expecting ISIS to attack the Kurdistan region, because at the beginning what defined ISIS was a Sunni/Shia conflict, because the Sunnis in Iraq feel that they are not being included, that the Shiite majority government is not giving the Sunni population their rights.

The majority of the ISIS leaders were Sunni tribal leaders, that was clear. And it was seen as part of the Sunni/Shia conflict.

And specifically a Sunni/Shia Arab conflict...

In Iraq we have three main entities. Sunnis, Shias and Kurds. Kurds are Kurds: We have Shia Kurds, we have Sunni Kurds, we have Christian, Yezidi, all these differences of ideology and of religion, but they are all considered Kurds.

But when it comes to Arabs, Sunni or Shia is the difference, their sect is the difference. So we were considering it as a conflict between these two sectarian groups, the two main sectarian groups.

But two months later, when ISIS changed their war policy and began attacking Kurdistan, we were shocked. We were not ready in terms of military and all of a sudden we shared a border with ISIS which was more than 1.000 kilometers long. The only thing we had were brave Peshmerga. Their rifles were from the 70's, Russian Kalashnikovs, and their weaponry was really outdated, so we had difficult times, but the international allies against ISIS started to see that the only real fighters against ISIS on the ground were us and they started to support us in terms of military training, supplying weaponry, all these things. Hopefully we will continue to keep on defeating ISIS, and control our borders.

Previously we have had a problem with disputed areas with the Iraqi part, and now, after ISIS we don't have it any more, we have controlled the so-called disputed area between Kurdistan and Iraq and we believe that they are part of the Kurdistan region. Politically speaking, in Kurdistan region, we say there are no disputed areas, we have controlled everything.

Baghdad might disagree...

Baghdad does disagree, continuously, but so far that is the reality.

Before we go there, we tend to see, especially here in the West, that the Middle East has a serious problem with radical Islam. But it seems that Iraqi Kurdistan has seemed, so far, to avoid this problem. So is it correct to say that this is more of an Arab problem than a regional problem?

It is a regional problem. The Turks, for example, are not Arabs, but radicalism is a trend in Turkey. In the Kurdistan region the major political parties tend to be more secular than based on religious ideology, so the form of government in the Kurdistan region goes against the line of radicalism. And we have fought against it, we have fought against radicalism in the Kurdistan region and we continue to fight it. We are a Muslim majority society, and the mosques play a huge role in this issue of radicalism. We had people that joined ISIS from the Kurdistan region, and their main education base were mosques under the supervision of these radical Islamists.

We still have political parties in Parliament which are very radical, no different in terms of the basis of their ideology from ISIS and other political parties.

You had said that the main parties are secular, but the problem with radicalism is when it gains roots in the ground and amongst the people. So among the Kurdish people, all over Iraqi Kurdistan, is there much extremist influence?

Not much, but it depends on the area. We are influenced by the geography. The areas which border Arab fanatics, of course they are influenced. There are areas in the Kurdistan region where people listen to ISIS radio. For a couple of months the waves were received in those areas. Imagine that! It does influence. So it depends on that and also the movement is not a joke... It is going on in the region and it has its roots, but it is not that powerful in the Kurdistan region, thankfully.

When Mosul falls, then this problem of the disputed areas will probably rise again politically. Could it also become a military issue between Kurdistan and Baghdad?

I hope not, but it is very likely. Because it is not easy for Baghdad to abide by this constitution that they helped draft.

According to the constitution we should have a referendum in those areas no later than December 2007. That never happened, because the Iraqi part did not allow it. We would have loved to have it and we would love for the people of these areas to decide their own destiny.

Will you still promote a referendum?

We are still promoting a referendum, because we believe that the people of these regions should decide their destiny, they should decide where to go, what to do, how to be governed.

Is there a risk of persecution of Arab communities which live there?

There is a risk of that.

As a politician, is there anything the Government of Kurdistan is trying to do to protect them and allow them to remain there if they want to?

The main issue of the people in those areas is security. Not only for Arabs, also for Kurds, Christians, Turkmen, all these ethnicities, the main issue is security. But the majority of the population in these areas, including Arabs, and perhaps especially the Arabs, are happier with the security provided by the Kurdistan Regional Government than by the security provided by Bagdad.

You mentioned the minorities, how might this affect them? You say their main concern is security, do you think they will accept and support the Kurds against Baghdad?

Well, all those Iraqi communities, Turkmen, Christians, Assyrians, Arabs, Armenians, Kurds, everyone from any part of Iraq, if anything happens to them they seek refuge in Kurdistan. So I think that answers your question.

You were talking about the ethnic minorities, but I saw you did not mention the Yezidis.

Yezidis also...

But some Yezidis complain that they are being called Kurds when they feel they are a distinct community.

They have a religion, they are a religious group in Kurdistan. Their language is Kurdish, they live in this area, it is the only religion on Earth that practices in Kurdish, they pray to God in Kurdish, if they say they are not Kurdish, I don't know what else to say. It's their decision... If they are not Kurdish, fine, but they practice in Kurdish, they speak Kurdish, they're holy book is written in Kurdish. It is the only Kurdish religion on Earth. Their basis is religious, and it is obvious to everyone in the region. If they say they are Arabs, or that they are Yezidis, and this is different, then they should have some scientific basis...

In terms of Christians, I have spoken to many over the past years and more recently I have been asking them about the relationship with the Kurds. Most of them will say they are very grateful because the Kurds took them in and gave them refuge and protection, but there are also complaints and fears. Some of them say they do not forget that the Kurds helped the Turks massacre them in 1915, in Simile in 1933, and some, more recently, say they don't forget that the Peshmerga promised to protect their villages, but then fled and left them there when ISIS advanced... Is it possible to regain the trust of the Christians?

Well, starting with the Armenian genocide, and the genocide that happened in the areas, like Simele... At that time it was the Ottoman Empire which was committing these genocides against them. Those who were soldiers, were forced to serve the army in the Ottoman Empire, there was Mandatory Military Service, some people served for up to 20 years.

But there were also civilians who took part, they say...

They say... But the history writers don't confirm this. I don't know, it belongs to history, that is history and say we are a part of it? Ok. But talking about nowadays, that their villages were destroyed by ISIS... Its war! Ok, I promise that I will do my best to protect a village which is under the control of ISIS and we also control parts of the village or the town, then all of a sudden the war changes the whole situation... It is not about the promises you make. Then ISIS takes control and starts to blow up all the buildings... The basis of that argument is weak, I'd say.

If they don't trust... Nobody trusts the security in that region. Every night, when we sleep, we are very brave to sleep there. Because 20 km from the city where I live there used to be ISIS. Nowadays it is between 50 and 60 km, it is a bit cleaner, but nowhere in Iraq is secure. I am not trying to defend the Kurdistan Region's position, but they should honestly look at the past 20 years, go back and see the difference in the way they were treated by the Kurds and in the other parts.

You were saying your city is 20 km from ISIS front lines. Do you have any military training?

Not really, no.

Was your father also a guerrilla in the mountains?

My family, the majority of them were and are military, including my sisters.

The position of women within Kurdish society is very different from what we see in most Arabic societies around them...

Well, again, they are influenced as well. It is different when it comes to the openness of the Kurdish culture, it is quite open, compared to other cultures in the region. For example, it is very well known that the Kurdish women are also fighters, and they fight alongside with men. That is not something new for us, it has been like this for centuries. They are better fighters, sometimes, than men, and there are no differences there.

And there is some other stuff... It relates to the culture, what is different in our culture and in the culture of others in the region, because we are a different nation.

You mentioned the instability in the whole region, with Kurdistan trying to remain stable amongst the instability, is there one thing necessary to bring stability to the region? Is there one factor which is destabilizing the region?

This is a very important question... One factor? There are many factors for instability. But of course, not talking to each other, not coming together around a table, not accepting each other as we are, is the main factor for instability.

I am asking this because many times we see... And I have begun to think this is a regional issue, I won't say Arab, because I get it from Christians too... They will say this is all because of Israel, all because of America, all because of Russia... A tendency to blame others for local problems.

We are to blame. Nobody but us. Everybody is responsible for what happens to him or to her. So we are to be blamed and if we don't find a solution for how to get together, we should not blame anybody else.

Yezidis & Cristãos

David Warren

Não sou perito em relação aos yezidis de (ou anteriormente de) Mossul e arredores. Também não sou perito em cristãos assírios que lá vivem; nem, verdade seja dita, em cristãos de parte alguma. Os judeus também me ultrapassam, não obstante os meus esforços na cadeira de religiões comparadas. A minha incompreensão estende-se a outras religiões, nacionalidades e tribos. Todas são uma névoa para mim. E ainda há dias em que não me compreendo a mim mesmo.

Como por exemplo as minhas sinceras – pelo menos assim o espero – convicções cristãs. De uma perspectiva de custo benefício, não se saem nada bem. Do ponto de vista de um economista profissional, que parte do princípio que o ser humano apenas procura o seu interesse económico, tornar-me católico foi a coisa mais parva que alguma vez fiz.

Mas olhando para o Iraque, parece-me que os yezidis poderão ser mais parvos ainda. Ou os cristãos assírios, já agora. Toda a gente os quer matar. Porque não alinham com quem os persegue?

Falo neles porque eles são, para nós, “estranhos”. Quando viajei pelo Iraque, há não muito tempo, depois do golpe de Estado do partido Ba’ath, mas antes de Saddam Hussein, fiquei fascinado com eles. Saddam ofereceu-lhes um certo grau de protecção, mas apenas porque tinha outras pessoas que queria massacrar e no que diz respeito aos massacres gostava de ter o monopólio.

Os yezidis viviam no cume dos montes, nas rochas secas que se elevam sobre as planícies da Mesopotâmia. Entravam na cidade para comprar e vender, e geralmente eram tolerados. Isto apesar de todas as outras seitas no Iraque se referirem a eles como “adoradores do diabo”, como faziam há séculos.

De resto, eram bastante reservados. Os seus santuários, tanto quanto conseguia perceber, eram poucochinho do ponto de vista arqutectónico, embora eu apenas tenha visto fotografias, tiradas às escondidas.

Tal como outros monoteístas, acreditam em algo a que chamam “Deus”, mas depois a coisa torna-se interessante, bem como confusa, uma vez que estas pessoas eram analfabetas há gerações e as suas revelações tinham sido transmitidas oralmente desde… ninguém sabe quando.

Tanto quanto consigo perceber, havia sete anjos sagrados. Melek Taus, o Anjo Pavão, foi designado por Deus desde o início para supervisionar a sua Criação. Mas ele não é de confiança, embora a comparação com Satanás talvez seja exagerada. A ideia de prestar culto a um agente cósmico conhecido por ser corrupto e imprevisível parece-me bizarra. Às vezes o Anjo Pavão é verdadeiramente mau, outras vezes, porém, chora e pede perdão a Deus. Seja como for, detém um assinalável poder no mundo.

Parece-me (e recordo que não sou perito) que a atitude dos yezidis para com os seres espirituais é “a arte do negócio”. Talvez esta visão seja partilhada pela maioria das religiões pagãs: “Não tomemos lados entre o bem e o mal, pode vir a custar-nos”. Em vez disso, deve-se negociar com quem se chegar à frente.

Os que encontrei (em Mosul) pareceram-me simpáticos e reservados, bastante atraentes com as suas túnicas brancas. “Vive e deixa viver” parecia estar a correr bem para eles na altura. Dizia-me que reagiam bem aos insultos, o que na visão mais agressiva do Islão sunita os tornava pouco merecedores de serem insultados. (Também os assírios estão habituados a ignorar os insultos).

Aquilo que mais me intrigava era a possibilidade de esta atitude dever-se menos às circunstâncias do que às suas crenças religiosas. A ideia de que o mundo está cheio de demónios e que aquilo que Deus espera é que se chegue a acordo com eles. Ser neutro. Não se comprometer. Isto, por sua vez, obriga a uma rigorosa “endogamia” para poder sobreviver – não só casar, mas viver, exclusivamente, dentro da tribo. Evita-se qualquer mistura desnecessária.

Fatalmente, para eles, apareceu o Estado Islâmico. Centenas de milhares foram massacrados ou exilados. Pelos vistos só se pode chegar a acordos com demónios “moderados”. O verdadeiro, demónio em corpo de homem, fanático e poderoso, não é daqueles que negoceia.

Melek Taus

Não sei se mencionei que não sou especialista, mas os yezidis são para mim tão misteriosos como a maioria dos protestantes e católicos de classe média e alta, bem como outros que vivem na sociedade da nossa América do Norte pós-moderna.

Não é que eles não “acreditem” na presença do mal neste mundo; ou que – cruzes credo – não acreditem em Deus. Muitos vão à igreja, como a Melania Trump afirma fazer com o seu marido: ao que tudo indica, uma simpática igreja presbiteriana na qual, como na maioria das igrejas, incluindo as católicas, os fiéis aprendem a sentir-se bem consigo mesmos. (É o que me chega através dos boatos.)

Na verdade, disse-me o Charles Murray e outros, na América é mais fácil ver os ricos do que os pobres, ou membros de outras “classes inferiores” nas igrejas. São sítios simpáticos e burgueses onde nos é dado poder socializar com outros membros da nossa tribo.

Não é só para ricos, claro. Há igrejas para brancos, igrejas para pretos e para todos os tons de castanho. Igrejas para ricos, pobres e todas as divisões demográficas que se possa imaginar. Depois do “serviço” serve-se café nos convívios, onde todos são bem-vindos. É tudo muito lindo.

Tenho tentado compreender as estatísticas – nomeadamente as sondagens, em particular as sondagens feitas à boca das urnas, segundo métodos científicos – que analisam os votos das pessoas de acordo com a idade, “género”, rendimento, “educação”, filiação religiosa, etc. Os políticos “carismáticos” – penso no Obama e no Trump – atravessam todas estas classes.

Fascina-me de modo particular que esta última classe, a categoria da “religião”, tenha deixado de ser um indicador útil para o sentido de voto. Enquanto cristão, mais precisamente um zeloso católico convertido, acho difícil imaginar como até um “moderado” poderia votar em alguém que seria anatemizado vinte vezes seguidas se fosse aplicado um critério minimamente catequético.  

Não é que o Cristianismo em si esteja a morrer. Pode haver uns milhões a menos a frequentar as igrejas aos domingos do que antes, mas continua a haver milhões. Porque é que é tão difícil, se não impossível, agrupá-los por tendência de voto nas sondagens?

A minha teoria é de que as suas posições estão a “evoluir”, tal como a sua estrutura de crenças, no sentido de algo mais em linha com a teologia dos yezidis. Talvez pensem que se chegarem a um acordo com o demónio, ele, na sua benevolência, os deixe em paz. 

David Warren é o ex-director da revista Idler e é cronista no Ottowa Citizen. Tem uma larga experiência no próximo e extreme oriente. O seu blog pessoal chama-se Essays in Idelness.

(Publicado pela primeira vez na Sexta-feira, 4 de Março de 2016 em The Catholic Thing)

© 2016 The Catholic Thing. Direitos reservados. Para os direitos de reprodução contacte: info@frinstitute.org

The Catholic Thing é um fórum de opinião católica inteligente. As opiniões expressas são da exclusiva responsabilidade dos seus autores. Este artigo aparece publicado em Actualidade Religiosa com o consentimento de The Catholic Thing. 

As noivas jihadistas querem ser "Jihadi Janes"

O bombista de Boston, condenado por todos os crimes

O Papa Francisco fala tantas vezes que corre o risco de algumas das suas mensagens passarem despercebidas. É importante que esta não passe. O Papa disse esta quarta-feira que “As crianças nunca são um erro”. Ámen.

O cardeal Oscar Maradiaga está em Portugal, onde criticou a austeridade que coloca a economia como um deus.

Finalmente algumas boas notícias do Médio Oriente, onde o Estado Islâmico libertou esta quarta-feira mais de 200 mulheres, idosos e crianças da minoria Yazidi, que estavam cativos desde 2014.

Há cada vez mais sinais de que o Estado Islâmico está em fase descendente. Agora surge a informação que o grupo está a recorrer a mulheres para combater nas suas fileiras. As Jihadi Janes estão a aparecer cada vez mais na linha da frente, segundo esta reportagem.

Entretanto soube-se que mais de metade dos jihadistas estrangeiros no Estado Islâmico são franceses.

Lembram-se do bombista de Boston? Foi hoje considerado culpado de todas as acusações que pendiam contra ele, várias das quais incorrem possivelmente na pena de morte. Ainda não foi sentenciado, mas a coisa não está boa para os seus lados…

A Cáritas angariou menos cerca de 30 mil euros no seu peditório deste ano do que no ano passado. Resultados da crise, considera a organização.

Tem havido desenvolvimentos nos casos de liberdade religiosa v. direitos homossexuais em vários países do mundo, sobretudo nos Estados Unidos. No blogue mantenho uma lista das várias situações diferentes, que actualizei recentemente.

Neste debate há várias empresas e empresários que estão a tomar partido publicamente. É o caso da Apple, cujo patrão Tim Cook tem argumentado contra leis de protecção da liberdade religiosa. Contudo,como refere o padre Mark Pilon, no mais recente artigo do The Catholic Thing, estes mesmos empresários, e este em particular, continuam alegremente a fazer negócios com países onde os homossexuais incorrem na pena de execução, sem levantar a voz contra isso. São os “mega hipócritas”, segundo o sacerdote.

Filipinos evitam atentado ao Papa e Yezidis vingam-se

Milícias yezidis terão massacrado civis sunitas

O Patriarca de Lisboa deu uma grande entrevista à Renascença, na qual fala de vários assuntos, desde a sua elevação ao cardinalato, dentro de poucos dias, até ao sínodo da família, de Outubro. Vejaaqui o que disse de mais importante.

Em Portugal também existe tráfico humano. Este é, aliás, um assunto a que o Papa tem dado merecido destaque, incluindono domingo passado.

As autoridades filipinas dizem que conseguiram evitarum ataque ao Papa enquanto este esteve no país.

A Igreja de Évora aceitou a sugestão da fundação Ajuda à Igreja que Sofre, e vai encaminhar a renúnciaquaresmal para os cristãos do Médio Oriente.

Muito falámos do sofrimento dos Yezidis, outra religião minoritária do Médio Oriente, perseguida ainda mais ferozmente que os cristãos. Infelizmente, agora que o Estado Islâmico retirou do terreno que ocupava, osyezidis ter-se-ão vingado nas populações sunitas locais. A confirmar-se, é uma pena. Esperemos que os cristãos não caiam na mesma tentação.

Agora aguentem-se Estado Islâmico!

Sabes que nunca fui grande fã, mas obrigado!

Não sei se foram as orações, o lobbying, ou simplesmente o impacto dos relatos e das imagens, mas finalmente vemos acção internacional no Iraque.

Os EUA mostraram que é só para isto que vale a pena ser uma superpotência e já começaram a lançar ajuda humanitária para ajudar os yazidis e iniciou também ataques contra o Estado Islâmico.

Washington: Caso tenham dificuldade em reconhecê-los, são os tipos que passam a vida a decapitar pessoas e a tirar fotos a segurar nas cabeças das vítimas, enquanto se riem.

Já agora, para quem sempre quis saber quem são e no que acreditam os yazidis, está aqui a informação toda. Saiba também porque é que os fundamentalistas os consideram satânicos.

Entretanto o primeiro-ministro do Iraque, outro dos responsáveis pela situação, uma vez que nem sequer consegue formar um Governo para fazer frente à ameaça, está sob ainda mais pressão para se demitir, depois de ter ouvido umas bocas fortes da parte do principal líder religioso dos xiitas.

O Papa Francisco, que foi criticado por ontem apenas ter mandado ler um documento em seu nome durante um briefing na Sala de Imprensa da Santa Sé, disse hoje que vai enviar um cardeal italiano para o representar junto dos refugiados. O Papa publicou também um tweet a pedir orações. É dirigido a “todos os homens e mulheres de boa vontade”, mas essas pessoas devem falar todas inglês, porque mais nenhuma das contas do Papa replicou a mensagem, nem sequer em árabe… vá lá malta da comunicação do Vaticano, estão todos de férias?

Se estão, ou não, não sei. Mas eu vou, a partir de agora. Os mails ficam suspensos, mas em caso de alguma notícia de última hora mais urgente, não vos deixarei sem o meu apoio! Não se esqueçam que há ainda o grupo do Facebook e o Twitter que vão sendo alimentados regularmente. 

Ajuda para o Iraque... precisa-se!

Yezidis a enterrar crianças no Monte Sinjar

A cidade cristã mais importante do norte do Iraque já está nas mãos dos militantes do Estado Islâmico. A população inteira terá conseguido fugir, mas a situação está pior que nunca.

Enquanto chegam notícias de que pelo menos 40 crianças já morreram de sede no monte Sinjar, o Patriarca de Bagdad escreveu um apelo urgente a pedir uma intervenção internacional armada para salvar os perseguidos.

Também o Papa voltou a referir-se ao assunto, numa mensagem publicada pela Sala de Imprensa da Santa Sé.

Continuem a rezar, mas quem puder que ajude financeiramente as organizações que estão a ajudar os refugiados.

Estes dois links foram-me dados pelo Mardean Isaac, o activista que entrevistei o outro dia. Sei que a Caritas também está a ajudar.

Assyrian Aid Society, uma organização independente que opera em Dohuk, para onde fugiram muitos cristãos.

ACERO, Assyrian Church of the East relief organisation.

Entretanto, não deixem de ler o artigo desta semana do The Catholic Thing, sobre a relação entre o aborto provocado e o cancro da mama.